[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

When speaking about the Rwanda Crisis, Bill Clinton called it his worst failure. What about Hilary R. Clinton? Does she call it her failure?
We often read this:
“Eighteen years ago, President Bill Clinton watched passively as the Hutu extremist regime in Rwanda oversaw the murder of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis”. Do you believe that? We also read this “275 United States Marines had been flown to Bujumbura to OFFICIALLY assist with the evacuation of U.S. citizens from Rwanda.”

In a quote for a 2002 book written by Samantha Power, Ms. Rice stated,
in her attempted defense of the Clinton Administration’s inaction in
response to the genocide that was taking place in the tiny African
Nation of Rwanda in 1994, “If we use the word ‘genocide’ and are seen as
doing nothing, what will be the effect on the November congressional
election?” It was later revealed that President Clinton, along with
Madeline Albright, Anthony Lake, Warren Christopher, and Ms. Rice were
all part of a coordinated effort not only to block U.N. action to stop
the genocide, but to work behind the scenes to craft public opinion on
the issue by removing words such as “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing”
from official State Department and CIA memos.
……
If Ms. Rice does receive the appointment of Secretary of State, it will
be with even more blood on her resume, as President Clinton rewarded her
after misleading the public on the issues of ethnic cleansing and
genocide in Africa. This time, her record of shameful political cronyism
is now covered in the blood of four Americans, and that is why her
defenders are trying to make this about her race and gender – because
loyalty to the public is trumped by loyalty to a President and his
party.

Their relationship, it has to be said, is something of a love-in. Mr
Blair describes Kagame, a former rebel soldier in the once war-torn
country, as a ‘visionary leader’ and ‘great friend’. For his part, the
grateful Kagame has called on his people to name their children after
his new English chum.
Meanwhile, Mrs Blair recently paid a misty-eyed tribute to his regime’s promotion of the rights of women.
Which,
one imagines, must have put an ironic smile on the face of one of
Rwanda’s leading female journalists, Agnes Nkusi Uwimana, now
languishing in Kigali’s grim Central Prison.

“Democracy has a better chance to emerge
when dictators fall to the nonviolent power of the repressed people themselves
– people using tactics such as strikes, boycotts and nonviolent sabotage.
Resistance leaders must gather wide support to launch those actions. So
developing the resistance is itself a democratizing act, a big step toward
building the post-dictator nation.

The success of nonviolent conflict relies on this principle: Even
the most repressive dictator needs the consent of the governed and the
obedience of his security forces. “Sometimes, the more brutal a dictator
is, the more brittle he is,” said Ackerman, chairman of the Washington-based
International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. “The more brutal he is, the
more he depends on his own security forces to commit acts of repression.”
Repression can drive more citizens into the resistance, strengthening it in the
struggle to spread disobedience to the security forces themselves…..”

How to topple a dictator

How To Topple A Brutal Dictator

Like many learned Africans, I’ve been patiently waiting for Prof. George
Ayittey’s new book to come out. He first mentioned it to me (in
correspondence) about three years ago and I’m still waiting.
Fortunately, he did email me a chapter-by-chapter synopsis of his
new-book, and I have posted the synopsis below. The Title of Prof.
Ayittey’s upcoming book is, “How To Topple A Dictator”. Read below, in
his own words.
=====================================

Prof. George Ayittey: dictatorship is a system of governance and
will emerge in any political system that concentrates power in the hands
of one individual without any checks and balances. I argued in Chapter 2
that a dictatorship is incompatible with the tribal or traditional systems in most developing countries, whereby decision-making is by consensus.
These systems also have checks and balances. Dictatorships proliferated
after these countries — mostly ex-colonies – gained their
independence. They inherited a unitary system of government, which centralizes decision-making and power.
They also acquired the “means” or instruments of coercion (standing
armies) and the “reach” (improvements in communications and
transportation), which enabled dictators to flourish (Chapter 3).

Chapter 4 discussed the modus operandi of dictatorships. They seize
control of key state institutions (the media, security forces, civil
service, judiciary, electoral commission, etc.), pack them with their
allies, supporters and subvert them to serve their dictates. In other
words, a dictatorship insidiously develops tentacles that reach into all
segments of the society. Eventually, it collapses under the weight of its own internal contradictions and intrigues (Chapter 5).

However, its demise is accelerated when growing social inequality and
discontent spark civil unrest and street protests (Chapter 6). But
street protests alone are not enough to topple a dictator. The aid of an auxiliary agent or institution is needed (Chapters 6 and 7) to finish the job. Even then, getting rid of the dictator does not necessarily get rid of the dictatorship. The institutional framework that bolstered the dictator must also be dissembled or gutted
(Chapter 8). Otherwise, the next rat will use the same institutional
set-up to transform himself into another dictator. Recall the Tunisian
lament: “We got rid of the dictator but not the dictatorship.”

Therefore, the question then is not just toppling the dictators but
uprooting or dissembling the dictatorship. Chapter 8 is the most
important of all the chapters because uprooting a dictatorship requires,
not just political reform but also intellectual, constitutional,
institutional and economic reform. The judiciary, intelligence
services, the media, the electoral commission would all have to be
cleansed and the tentacles of the dictatorship severed. But, as
I stressed in Chapter 8, all these reform initiatives must be taken in
sequence. Reform that is out of sequence creates problems. Premature
economic reform or liberalization creates crony or vampire capitalism.
In other words, it is not enough to cut down the tree; the roots must
also be pulled out in sequence or order. Else, the tree will grow again.