“Without going through an Inter-Rwandan Dialogue involving all political movements, civil society groups,religious organizations and business, Rwanda will not move forward”=> Nzi-Nink
Best thoughts and comments : Against political Extremism
From 1996 to 1997, the RPF envaded the DRC and continued to track the ex-Rwandan Army Forces (FAR) inside the DRC in order to exterminate them and install its allies in Kinshasa. To achieve this goal, the RPF massacred at least 200,000 Rwandan refugees inside the DRC. It even tried to conceal evidence for these mass killings by burning victim corpses and scattering the ashes away in the forest and/ or in the river.
Such a sinister plan was thwarted when a revolutionary Congolese, the late Laurent-Desire Kabila, took power in the DRC and decided to restore the sovereignty of the land. In August 1998, the RPF launched a new war in DRC aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army.
Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous common enemy. The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. In other words, the origin of the current DRC civil war is in Kigali not in Goma or in Kinshasa. Sooner or later this problem will be solved.
This problem is the result of the RPF refusal to face free democratic elections in Rwanda. It also is the result of the RPF inability to handle the actual state of Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. The RPF regime has been trying to underestimate and ignore the existence of such Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. In Rwanda, there are nearly 85% Hutus and 14% Tutsis. Democratic elections in Rwanda would probably give back the power to a “Hutu” movement.
This analysis has always been in the RPF calculations with regard to plausible results of democratic elections in Rwanda. The RPF suggests that such results simply denote “confusion between the ethnic majority and the political majority.” Since 1993, the RPF estimates that such results would inexorably relegate it to the opposition for an indefinite period of time
. Nzi-Nink Any attempt to solve the current DRC crisis must take into account its root causes that are in Rwanda , not in Goma or Kinshasa . In August 1998, the RPF launched in DRC a war aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army.Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous enemy. The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. Sooner or later this problem will be solved. To do so, a democratic government is urgently needed in Kigali .
In my opinion, it is obvious that a democratically elected government in Kigali would not need to sponsor armed groups in the provinces of North and South Kivu . In addition, such a democratically elected government in Kigali would refuse to offer back-up bases to any Congolese armed groups, including the one belonging to the Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkunda, whose rebellions would shortly die off by themselves.
Concerning the Rwandan armed groups, including the FDLR combatants, a democratically elected government in Kigali would not be afraid to directly discuss with them. Direct talks between these combatants and the democratically elected Rwandan government would set up new relationships under which the armed struggle would be meaningless.
These armed groups would not have any reason to refuse to face justice in Rwanda , should some of their combatants have to respond for their acts, just as any other Rwandan in similar situation would have to, especially the RPF members who are accused of several crimes, including crimes against humanity.
A democratically elected government in Kigali would provide impartial justice for all Rwandans without any discrimination. Therefore, there would be no need for such a democratic government in Kigali to request that these combatants be sent “elsewhere”. Their home is in Rwanda . That is where they belong and no where else.
John
The Rwandan crisis in the heart of the current civil war in DRC The United Nations decided yesterday to add 3100 men to its Mission in Congo (MONUC), bringing the size to 25 000 members, including 20 000 soldiers. But the war in eastern Congo is likely to persist with its horrors and looting in the Kivu, and its blockade effects on the rest of the country.
The reason: the Rwandan crisis, in the heart of the war between the rebel Tutsi General Laurent Nkunda and the DRC government in Kinshasa continues to be ignored by the powerful western sponsors of the Kigali regime. Fortunately, yesterday London, the major donor of a Rwanda, urged the regime of General Paul Kagame to “use its influence” on Nkunda to end the fighting in Congo. Mark Malloch-Brown, Secretary of State for Africa, said on his arrival in Kigali, after three days in Congo. “I will ask (Kagame) to use his influence” on Nkunda.
Another sign of pressure on Rwanda: the arrest by Germany of the chief of staff Kagame, Rose Kabuye, and his extradition to Paris for charges related to the destruction of the plane of President Juv�nal Habyarimana of Rwanda, triggering genocide in April 1994. It is a “peace process” that is needed in Rwanda, with a truth and reconciliation process between the RPF and the FDLR, which will ultimately lead to free and fair democratic elections. Otherwise Rwanda will continue to fuel the war in Congo, regardless of the strength of MONUC.
Even though Kagame has managed to draw his legitimacy from the Rwandan genocide, he is threatened by the unprecedented determination of Hutus to return to power in Rwanda. With Nkunda, he is confining the Tutsi-Hutu war on the Congolese territory by desperately asking Kinshasa to disarm the FDLR, and by insisting that the current DRC crisis “is a Congolese, not Rwandan internal affair.
Kagame knows very well that the presence in the DRC of what he calls “Hutu genocidaires” is a direct consequence of the military coup which put the RPF on power in Rwanda. Up to date, the RPF continues to spread lies that its decision to take power by force in Rwanda was directly linked to its willingness and determination to end the Rwandan genocide in 1994.
This baseless argument does not stick at all since every Rwandan knows that the Rwandan genocide of 1994 was not the cause of the Rwandan civil war which began in 1990. Instead, the Rwandan genocide of 1994, triggerred by the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6th, 1994, was a direct consequence of the Rwandan civil war which spanned from 1990 to 1994.
And time will finally establish equilibrium! A genocide that is learnedly planned and highly sophisticated to the extent that westerners in general, bearer of knowledge simply acquired from books, may never detect.
